Faith schools: the evidence
Over a third of schools in Britain are faith schools, yet their place within public education systems remains deeply contested.
Proponents of faith schools claim that they improve parental choice, achieve superior educational outcomes, and are better at promoting moral values. The evidence from the research strongly contests these claims.
Such research is often piecemeal and difficult to access, making it hard to gain a comprehensive view of the debate. This research bank is intended as a valuable resource for policymakers, politicians, academics and anyone else interested in the ongoing debate around faith schools in Britain.
Each entry provides an at-a-glance overview of the key evidence and central arguments made in a different study. The research bank is arranged chronologically within a number of key sections: social cohesion; performance; school choice; values; and public opinion.
Together, the evidence provides a compelling and comprehensive case against state-funded faith schools.
The evidence in this section shows that faith schools undermine social cohesion by segregating pupils on religious, ethnic, racial and social grounds. By reducing contact between people from different social groups, faith schools foster exclusionary in-group dynamics that are detrimental to the wellbeing of a liberal, multicultural society. This evidence strongly undermines claims by supporters that faith schools facilitate social integration, promote a communal religious ethos and help to integrate minority faiths into the life of the nation.
Post-secular schooling: freedom through faith or diversity in community
J. E. Watson (2013), Cambridge Journal of Education, 43(2): 147-162.
This paper explores the relevance of faith schools in a post-secular society, 'where religious and spiritual pluralism exponentially increases, and belief positions are both polarised and syncretised'. In this context, where faith can no longer be wholly privatised, 'the democratic notion of the common or community school appears even more crucial to address community understanding'.
The paper sets out a detailed overview of some of the most popular arguments in favour of publicly funded faith schools, including claims around parental rights, educational outcomes and the poor quality of secular schools. These arguments are forcefully rejected – parental rights, for example, are rebuffed as impractical, since the state could not realistically provide all religious parents with a right to a place for their child (areas with small religious populations might not be able to sustain a specialist school, while areas with large religious populations might create problems of oversubscription) and ensure that 'choice' was equitably distributed.
The author maintains that the role of education is to expose children to diversity, openness and critical thinking, and to equip them for life in a plural, liberal democracy. The paper concludes by calling for a greater role for secular community schools.
Inter-group contact at school and social attitudes: evidence from Northern Ireland
J. Hughes et al. (2013), Oxford Review of Education, 39(6): 761–779.
This article concerns the relationship between schools that are divided on ethno-religious lines and the implications of this for social cohesion. Examining the impact on outgroup attitudes of pupils attending mixed and separate post-primary schools in Northern Ireland, the analysis shows that intergroup contact is strongly associated with more positive orientations to the ethno-religious outgroup. It finds that integrated schools generally outperformed students in Protestant and Catholic schools on measures of intergroup contact and outgroup attitudes. Students attending relatively homogeneous Catholic and Protestant schools (those having 5% or less outgroup representation in the school) reported equivalent scores on the respective measures. In contrast, students attending more ethno-religiously diverse schools reported more favourable responses. These findings challenge the view that faith schools promote social cohesion by giving children a strong sense of their own identity that makes them more respectful of the beliefs and values of others.
A PDF copy of this paper is available from ResearchGate. Click here to access.
Faith in the system? State‐funded faith schools in England and the contested parameters of community cohesion
C. Dwyer and V. Parutis (2013), Transactions, 38(2): 267–284.
This paper examines state‐funded faith schools in England, and how opposition to them has been mobilised and negotiated. The discussion focuses specifically on the role of New Labour's community cohesion policy. This was adopted to combat social and ethnic division after social disturbances in 2001 and required all state-funded faith schools to 'promote community cohesion'. The paper argues that in pursuing the government's policy of community cohesion, faith schools interpreted the concept in ways that allowed them to strategically rework its meaning through their own theological discourses – for instance, by highlighting ways in which faith schools engaged with the local community, by presenting them as places where new immigrants could gain the social capital needed to participate as full members of British society and by extending the definition of 'community' beyond the locality to a wider networked 'global community'.
The paper also shows how these differing constructions of 'community' shaped political negotiations around a new admissions code for faith schools, leading to entanglements between religion and state over the authority to define religious belonging. While the new admissions code was intended to ensure greater equality in the allocation of school places (requiring a proportion of places to be given to pupils from other faiths, or no faith), an unintended and contradictory outcome was that the state sometimes emerged as the arbiter of how religious identification or belonging was measured. Thus, the attempt to regulate faith schools and to ensure compliance with community cohesion measures led to 'unanticipated entanglements of state and religious authority', a situation that was dissatisfactory for both state and religious communities.
Free schools in the Big Society: the motivations, aims and demography of free school proposers
R. Higham (2013), Journal of Education Policy, 29(1): 122–139.
This article examines the role of free schools in the context of the Conservative government's Big Society agenda. It identifies two groups seeking to promote free faith schools – parent-led groups and faith organisations. A majority of both groups claimed to be driven by ideals of service to their local community, rather than evangelicalism, and argued that they sought to establish inclusive rather than segregated schools. However, the majority of faith school proposals also planned to use 50% faith admission criteria and to follow a well-publicised faith ethos. The article argues that, in contrast to claims that the Big Society would promote altruistic behaviour from civil society actors, those actors best able to gain access to state resources brought a range of private and self-interested motivations into the public sector. Rather than being well disposed to meet the complex needs of disadvantaged communities, this process, including the provision of free faith schools, appears capable of diverting state resources towards more advantaged actors.
Contact between Catholic and Protestant schoolchildren in Northern Ireland
R. N. Turner et al. (2013), Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 43(S2): 216–228.
This paper examines segregation and sectarianism in Northern Irish schools. The study involved pupils from both integrated and non-integrated schools, and sought to analyse some of the key factors influencing attitudes towards people not considered to be part of the in-group (in this case, Protestants or Catholics). The study found that cross-group friendships and extended contact were both closely linked to lower levels of prejudice.
Segregation of schools – the impact on young people and their families and communities
T. Cantle (February 2013), Paper to the Accord Coalition and All-Party Parliamentary Groups, London and Liberal Democrat Conference Fringe meeting (March 2013).
This paper discusses the issue of segregation in schools. It notes that there are a number of ways in which schools can be divided, including ability and location, but notes that: 'By far the most systematic inhibitor of free choice is that of faith – and as the vast majority of faith schools are supported by the state, government must accept responsibility for this restriction'. The author notes that, in the case of faith schools:
People of no faith are effectively excluded from up to one-quarter of schools, and may only be able to apply to faith schools if the schools in question are less popular and do not have sufficient applicants from their faith community. At a local level the choice may be almost non-existent if local schools happen to be faith based.
The author also discusses some of the ways in which these divisions can cause and/or exacerbate social problems, from ethnic segregation to bolstering the power of unelected faith 'leaders'. As the author writes: 'Religious identities often overlap with ethnic identities and faith schools effectively exclude some of the minority communities and can also contribute directly to ethnic segregation'. The paper adds that: 'Faith schools are also part of a system which props up faith leaders and gives them a level of undeserved credence and power'.
Narrowing down the determinants of between-school segregation: an analysis of the intake to all schools in England, 1989–2011
S. Gorard, R. Hordosy and B. Huat See (2013), Journal of School Choice, 7(2): 182–195.
This article examines the social and economic segregation of pupils between schools in England, using data for all school intakes from 1989-2011. It claims that the mix of students in a school has an influence on how students are treated, on how well they are taught, on how well they learn, on the achievement gap between advantaged and disadvantaged pupils and on wider school outcomes (such as students' sense of justice) and longer-term outcomes such as levels of aspiration. Students growing up in more socially segregated settings tend to have less qualified teachers, substandard materials, more dilapidated buildings and experience higher crime and generally poorer local services. In contrast, the most egalitarian systems tend to have the highest average attainment in formal tests and the highest percentage of very skilled students. Data show that the segregation of students (even if unintentional) is socially detrimental.
The paper goes on to argue that schools that select their intake in terms of religion might also tend to increase segregation by ethnic origin, parental income and education, or social class. Therefore, the authors claim that a society that wishes to enjoy the advantages of mixed school intakes needs to do more than simply offer choice. The authors call for a national school system that does not select by attainment, aptitude, student background or faith.
A PDF copy of this paper is also available from Durham University. Click here to access.
Leadership and faith schools: issues and challenges
S. Scott and D. McNeish (December 2012), National Centre for Social Research for the Centre for Understanding Behaviour Change.
This report charts the way in which faith schools have responded to opinion polls showing a lack of support for an expansion of faith schools and claims that they undermine social cohesion. One of the main responses here has been for faith schools to downplay their religious characteristics and to present themselves as a positive source of social cohesion. The authors of the report state that: 'As a consequence, some schools have opted to promote social cohesion and downplay the importance of distinctive Christian teaching and Church doctrines'.
A PDF of the report is available from Bristol University. Click here to access.
How many poor children go to faith schools?
S. Rogers (5 March 2012), The Guardian.
A study of data from the Department for Education, conducted by The Guardian, found that state faith schools in England were 'failing to mirror their local communities by shunning the poorest pupils in their area'. The analysis found that 73% of Catholic primary schools and 72% of Catholic secondary schools had a lower proportion of pupils eligible for free school meals than the average of all children of school age in its local authority. The respective figures for the Church of England were 74% and 65.5%. This compared to 51% of non-religious primary schools and 45% of non-religious secondary schools.
The study also found that 76% of Catholic primary schools and 65% of Catholic secondary schools had a smaller proportion of pupils that were eligible for free school meals than was representative of their postcode. The respective figures for the Church of England were 63.5% and 40%. In contrast, the figures for non-religious schools were 47% and 29%.
Praying for success? Faith schools and school choice in East London
T. Butler and C. Hamnett (2012), Geoforum 43(6): 1242–1253.
The article discusses research into perceptions of educational choice amongst a group of middle-class parents in East London. It focuses on the way in which faith schools are being drawn into the mainstream discourse of choice, driven by the attractions of ethos, perceptions that faith schools contain 'people like us' and good academic standards. The paper argues that increased demand for faith schools is contributing to a long-term process of secularisation, in which the religious ethos is being undermined by an educational ethos based around the elision of school attainment and social composition, but that these changes continue to perpetuate social inequalities in the education system. In this respect, the socio-economic inequalities present within faith schools can become self-sustaining, even when the faith element is in decline.