Newsline 9 January 2015

Newsline 9 January 2015

Collection of Charlie Hebdo front covers reprinted in solidarity

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News, Blogs & Opinion

NSS statement following Charlie Hebdo attack

Opinion | Wed, 7th Jan 2015

Restrictions on criticising or satirising religion, especially Islam, have hugely increased since Salman Rushdie was burned in effigy and driven into hiding over The Satanic Verses in 1988. That he was reviled and those attempting his murder not even charged showed Governmental contempt for freedom of expression.

The abolition of (Christian) blasphemy in England in 2008 became irrelevant with the introduction of protection from criticism or mockery of all religion when 'religiously aggravated offences' were criminalised with a seven year tariff. These offences dangerously go beyond protecting individuals to protecting their beliefs.

The extremists try increasingly to terrorise us into silence and often the state conspires with them, blaming the victims for 'bringing it upon themselves'.

But in an open society, free expression is more important than any religious dogma. Without free expression, our democracy will not function, as it does not in many Muslim countries. Religion will be permitted to go unexamined, even when it is a threat to life and limb.

We must stand together and refuse to be cowed into silence by the threats of terrorists and the cowardice of politicians. We cannot, as a society, place religion beyond the reach of satire or critical examination.

BBC restrictions on depicting Mohammed must be abolished, says NSS

News | Fri, 9th Jan 2015

The National Secular Society is calling on the Government to compel the BBC to remove a restriction on any depiction of the prophet Mohammed.

The BBC's editorial guidance that forbid any representation of the prophet Mohammed came under fire on Thursday's Question Time on BBC1. During a response to a question about the Charlie Hebdo massacre, chairman David Dimebleby told panellists that the editorial guidelines of the BBC say "The prophet Mohammed must not be represented in any shape or form."

The immediate reaction from one of those on the panel, broadcaster Julia Hartley-Brewer, was "I think that's absolutely outrageous."

Tory MP David Davies, a well-known advocate of free speech who was also on the panel, said it was a "serious reflection of the state of free speech in Britain."

But Terry Sanderson, President of the National Secular Society, said that the BBC's whole deferential approach to religion was a barrier to free debate and discussion of religion and called on the Government to compel the BBC to remove the restriction.

Mr Sanderson said: "We have been raising concerns for years about the way the BBC impedes critical discussion of religion. Too often it fawns over clerics and gives up far too many resources to a topic that does not interest the vast majority of its viewers and listeners.

"Its prohibition of the depiction of the prophet Mohammed in 'any shape or form' is just part of that culture of deference. It represents a complete capitulation to the demands of the extremists – the very people who everyone is talking about at the moment.

"How are we – the recipients of the BBCs coverage of the news – supposed to make sense of a story when a vital part of it is censored from our screens? How are we supposed to assess the cartoon unless we can see it?"

Mr Sanderson said that the BBC was an important national institution which had become an essential pillar of our democracy, in that it brought us what we thought was impartial news.

"But when the Corporation allows itself to be controlled by sectional interests and its output can be dictated by theocrats, then all this highfalutin talk of free speech from the government means nothing."

Mr Sanderson called on the Government to stand by its supposed commitment to free expression and tell the BBC to throw out this editorial restriction.

Last year, the NSS criticised Channel 4 News after it censored Mohammed from a Jesus & Mo cartoon, which was shown as part of an item on the controversy which followed after Liberal Democrat candidate Maajid Nawaz tweeted the image, saying he wasn't offended by it.

UPDATE: The BBC has removed the guidelines prohibiting depictions of Mohammed from its website. We hope a revision will be forthcoming.

UPDATE 2: The BBC have confirmed that the guidelines have been withdrawn. In a statement the BBC Press Office said:

"This guidance is old, out of date and does not reflect the BBC's long-standing position that the programme makers have freedom to exercise their editorial judgement with the Editorial Policy team available to provide advice around sensitive issues on a case-by-case basis. The guidance is currently being revised."

Council prayers bill makes progress: MP “rejoices” to live in country with established Church

News | Fri, 9th Jan 2015

The Local Government (Religious etc. Observances) Bill to allow councillors to be summoned to pray has passed a further stage on its race to becoming law.

The Private Members Bill, tabled by Jake Berry MP (right), a member of the Conservative Christian Fellowship, is backed by both Government and Labour frontbenches and would permit prayers in the official business of local authority meetings.

The Bill is designed to overturn a High Court ruling that the practice of holding prayers during council meetings was unlawful. The ruling resulted from an application by the National Secular Society and a councillor who objected to such prayers.

The vast majority of private members' bills fail for lack of being allocated time to proceed, but the Government is demonstrating that it considers it to be of the highest priority by not only allocating the time, but fast-tracking it.

Committee stage was on 6 January 2015 and Report stage is scheduled for Friday 16 January. Fridays are known for the chamber being almost deserted with Members usually returning to their constituencies for the weekend on Thursday afternoon. The NSS said this was an indication that the Government want this Bill passed "fast, and with minimum debate."

Second reading is described by Parliament as "the first opportunity for MPs to debate the main principles of the Bill", but there was no debate at all of this Bill at Second Reading. Committee Stage supposedly for a detailed examination of the Bill (by a small number of MPs proportionately representing the main political parties). It lasted just 45 minutes, and was notable for its perfunctoriness and lack of intellectual vigour.

The discussion of the Bill, for example, saw MPs compare the prohibition on council prayer during meetings to the anti-Semitism of Nazi Germany, and blame "rampant secularism" for "damaging the fabric of the nation".

Jake Berry said that he rejoiced "to live in a country where we have an established faith." He also praised Eric Pickles, the Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, saying that the Minister had acted "swiftly" to reverse the High Court ruling.

NSS Campaigns Manager Stephen Evans said that "Despite all the MPs on this Committee receiving NSS briefings on this Bill, they failed in their duty to properly consider the implications for religious liberty of this Bill – and it's alarming that even after Committee stage this legislation has still not received serious scrutiny or consideration."

Indeed, David Nuttall MP, speaking during the committee 'debate', acknowledged that the Bill "received no particular scrutiny or debate on Second Reading." Mr Nuttall also criticised the National Secular Society, saying that it was "strange" for the NSS to suggest that "the Bill might in some way be seen as divisive".

He added that "[the NSS] does not seem very pleased about the fact that the majority of councillors may do this [pray during Local Authority meetings] if they so wish."

Mr Nuttall also argued that the Bill was merely "permissive legislation" which gave local authorities a choice to hold prayers, and did not compel councils to do so.

Stephen Evans responded: "Councillors who wish to do so are perfectly at liberty to meet and pray before the meeting, or have a period of silent reflection during it. As we have repeatedly made clear, we have no problem with either; that cannot reasonably be described as 'intolerant'.

"The effect of this legislation would be to compel all councillors to attend prayers during official business should councils opt to do so, or else force them to leave whilst religious observances are taking place if they don't want to sit through them. That is indeed divisive, and needlessly so.

"Councillors are not elected to practise a religion, and the majority of the country is not religious. Indeed, we gave evidence that some councillors find prayers during meetings off-putting; we should not be allowing such prayers; they are not what councillors are elected to do, and our democracy needs as many councillor candidates as possible."

Labour MP Robert Flello argued that the legislation would put local authorities and parish councils in "the same position that we in Parliament enjoy, whereby for parliamentarians, at the start of our business, time is made for prayer.

"People do not have to take part in that prayer; they can sit in the Chamber and take a moment to gather their thoughts, or just gather their papers. I remember vividly that when I was first elected in 2005 I sat next to comrades who are no longer in the House who would determinedly sit on the Front Benches, reserving their place, but not taking part in Prayers and just sitting there all the way through. But they were there; they were in the Chamber. It was not any hindrance or difficulty to them; they were there."

In response, Mr Evans said that "the NSS has been contacted by both religious and non-religious councillors in the past who have had to sit through prayers as part of the official business of council meetings and did not 'enjoy' them. They should not be made to feel uncomfortable or feel they have to leave the Council's proceedings just because others wish to pray, which they could have done before the meeting proper. This is why we simply ask that councillors who wish to pray to consider it a private matter and do so before the meetings take place, rather than impose their acts of worship on others.

"It simply isn't a normal part of business meetings for prayers to take place and for MPs to argue otherwise just goes to show how hopelessly out-of-touch they are. I think most people would find it quite odd if their meetings started with a prayer."

Gerald Howarth MP said that there was evidence of "rampant secularism that is beginning to grip our society and that is extremely damaging to the fabric of this nation."

Fiona Bruce MP compared the High Court ruling with persecution of Christians in the Middle East, and with Nazi anti-Semitic legislation in the 30s: "Members might ask why I feel that I can refer to those terrible situations in this debate about the freedom to have faith observances in a council chamber such as Bideford in Devon. The reason is this: so often, persecution starts with a small amount of prohibition here or a particular piece of legislation there. Let me give the Committee an example. In the 1930s—within the lifetime of some Members now serving in this House—there was legislation in Germany that prohibited the employment of a domestic worker who was a woman of Jewish faith. No one spoke out against that or took a stand."

Comparing her views on council prayer to the anti-Semitism of the 1930s, Fiona Bruce said, "I thank my hon. Friend for speaking out; it was because people did not speak out that those things happened then."

Somewhat mistakenly, Mrs Bruce added, "That happened in this century on this continent."

Lyn Brown, Labour's Shadow Minister for Communities and Local Government, also pledged her support for the Bill. She called the 2012 High Court ruling "perverse" and said the legislation would "leave it to local communities to determine what, if any, observances are appropriate to them …. we must see this as a matter of local choice."

Kris Hopkins MP, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, said that he was not aware of other cases of councillors complaining about prayers in official business, despite quoting from a NSS briefing detailing such complaints.

Stephen Evans, National Secular Society campaigns manager, said: "Local authorities are secular bodies and should not be privileging or identifying with any particular religious position. The meetings of local government should be equally welcoming to all attendees and conducted without anyone feeling compelled to participate in prayers, or feeling excluded, or that they have to absent themselves from any part of the meeting.

"The complete lack of debate or scrutiny of this Bill is an indication of how inappropriately sycophantic to religion so many of our elected representatives are – unwilling to stand up for basic secular principles and recognise that our political structures should reflect the reality of changing times by separating religion from the affairs of state."

As noted above, report stage is scheduled for Friday 16 January 2015.

The full Committee stage 'debate' can be read here

The NSS briefing on the Bill can be read here

GP Taylor: Why faith has no place in our schools

Opinion | Thu, 8th Jan 2015

Many principled people of faith oppose religious privilege in state schools. Former Anglican priest GP Taylor makes an impassioned case for secularism as a basis for equally inclusive education.

As a priest, I was always suspicious of the new parent lurking at the back of church clutching the hand of a four-year-old child. You knew that within a couple of weeks the application forms for the local faith school would appear and once signed you would never see them again.

The village where I lived had a great school, but there was a section of parents who wanted their children to attend a faith school and would do anything to make that happen. They would even endure months of church services and even Confirmation to secure that magic signature on the form.

Somehow they felt that faith schools offered a far better deal and were the nearest thing to private education without having to pay.

Perhaps they were right, but it is very easy to offer a higher standard of education when you are a selective school.

The issue is that faith schools attract the middle classes, fewer children on free school meals and are not encumbered with the problems of a difficult catchment area. They often attract the best teachers because they are easier to teach in and have better standards of behaviour. This isn't down to some magic formula that the spirituality of the school calms the children, it is the fact that they, on the whole get brighter kids from better off families with supportive parents.

The trade off for parents is that to get this superior education they have to allow their children to be indoctrinated into the traditions of that particular school and the faith on which it is based. In a modern and secular society this has many potential dangers.

The trouble with many faiths is that they are quite divisive. By their very nature, they work on the principle that they are the right and only way to God and every other way is wrong or flawed.

Many teach beliefs that are contrary to the views of the society in which we live. How can a faith school teach that all faiths are equal when the theology of that faith demands its followers to believe that they are the only true way to God?

Christianity and Islam both state this very clearly and don't believe anyone who says that us not the case.

Homosexuality, creation, gender separation and contraception are just some areas where these schools are at odds with the world. In some schools, children are taught outdated views on God that verge on the medieval.

But is it right to have any religion in school at all? Under the Education Act, each school is required to have some form of collective act of worship. Children coming together to pray, sing or act out a faith story. Perhaps this was acceptable thirty years ago, but it's place in society has now gone.

Only seven per cent of the population attend church on a regular basis, so why is it that schools up and down the country should act as recruiting agents for God?

This is an outdated and quite farcical concept. Many teachers find it difficult to maintain a balance in their approach and some find the whole idea very uncomfortable.

I believe that the only place for faith in our schools is as a subject delivered on the same level as maths and science. It is important that it is still taught and should be compulsory for every student to learn, but as a factual and not spiritual discipline.

Religious beliefs should not be forced upon anyone and should always be discussed in an age appropriate and sensitive manner.

Religious practice in schools often has a detrimental effect on students and pushes them away from exploring the concept of God rather than opening their minds to it.

In the age of rising fundamentalism, it is important that any aspect other than the academic study of faiths is stripped from our education system. Students should be free to learn about perceived beliefs in an environment of critical study and analysis.

Religious dogmas and outdated cultural concepts have to be allowed to be challenged and not received as absolute truths.

Secularism in schools will become a necessity for future generations. Schools will have to become places of intellectual safety and out of the control of religious groups with vested interests.

Faith must become a subject and not a means of pupil selection and prayers and worship put back into the hands of those who seek to propagate belief well away from places of education.

GP Taylor is an author and former Anglican Priest. The views expressed in this article (first appeared in the Yorkshire Post and is reproduced here with the author's kind permission) are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the NSS.

NSS Respond to Parliamentary Reform Committee

News | Tue, 6th Jan 2015

The National Secular Society has responded to the Political and Constitutional Reform Committee's consultation on a "new Magna Carta." The Committee has been inviting members of the public to give their views on whether the UK should have a written constitution.

Whilst the NSS does not have a position on whether the UK should adopt a written constitution, the society has written a response outlying what secular principles ought to be enshrined in a codified constitution, should one be written, or should some other type of reform take place.

The consultation also asked for comment on whether the UK should have a written constitution, a codification act, or a non-binding statement of constitutional principles if and when the UK's constitution is reformed. Though the NSS does not have a mandate from our membership to address this point, the NSS did raise concerns about Britain's current constitutional system with the Committee, and promoted a positive vision for how secular principles could transform the British state and foster a fairer, freer system of government.

The NSS raised a number of concerns with the UK's current constitution, including the presence of unelected Bishops in the House of Lords, the Monarch's role as head of the Church of England and as "defender of the faith", and the way in which some of the Monarch's religious responsibilities are delegated to the Prime Minister.

The NSS submission promoted secular principles in our response, principles which are codified in the society's secular charter.

The NSS submission argued that demographics and public opinion make the present arrangements unsustainable, and pressed the case for setting a secular precedent in the UK's constitutional affairs now, so that the rapid growth of minority religions do not lead to a confessional approach to politics in the future, where the privileges of the Anglican Church are conferred on other religions proportionately.

As noted in the NSS submission: "It is entirely possible (and likely) that the dominance of the Church of England across institutions in the UK will lead to a confessional approach in the future, shutting out the plurality who have no faith whatsoever, as minority religions are invested with similar privileges as the Church of England. This has already happened in education."

The NSS response drew attention to how a written constitution might deal with the education system: "A secular education system is one of our principle objectives, and, though the problem now is primarily one arising from government legislation and not of constitutional construction, a constitutional resettlement is one possible solution to the merger of religion and the state education system."

The topic of the consultation was discussed at Conway Hall in December 2014, when the chair of the Reform Committee, Graham Allen MP, spoke to NSS members about the work his committee was doing.

The NSS submission argued that "all citizens should be equal before the law, and not categorised into faith groups with group rights" and that "any new constitutional settlements must priorities individual rights over group and religious rights." It also noted that "the values of the secular charter are at the heart of … most constitutional law and philosophy" and that it is a "common principle of most constitutional thought that religion and state should be separated."

NSS Campaigns Manager Stephen Evans added; "I encourage people to add their voices to the consultation response whilst late submissions are still being accepted, and to urge the adoption of the secular principles that guarantee religious freedom, including the freedom to believe or not, and the freedom to change your beliefs or religious views.

"Whatever your opinion on whether Britain should have a written constitution, I encourage you to take this chance to add your voice to the national debate."

Although the consultation has now closed, late submissions are being accepted

The NSS does not have a formal position on whether the UK should have a written constitution, our submission advocated secular principles, principles we would campaign to see advanced under any constitutional system.

Churches, charity and the conferring of privilege

Opinion | Tue, 6th Jan 2015

There are many ways to do good, including campaigning for human rights and equality over discrimination and prejudice, but charitable work is not a bargaining chip for special privileges, argues Alistair McBay.

Recently some Christian leaders in Scotland angered at secularists challenging their privileges have responded by pointing out the National Secular Society and other secular groups don't run care homes, or operate food banks, or run adoption agencies. Secularists have been the target of this ill-informed sniping from both the Free Church of Scotland and the Church of Scotland, and Anglican and Catholic leaders have made similar attacks in the past. So here is an attempt to set the record straight on a few points.

First, let's deal with the obvious. The NSS is not a registered charity, it is a not-for-profit campaigning organisation. It would be more accurate for the churches to compare us not with themselves, but to the Christian not-for-profit think-tank Ekklesia, which is also a campaigning group, not a registered charity, and doesn't run care homes or food banks. Perhaps the Christian Institute might be another more appropriate comparator – it is a registered charity but which spends its funds on campaigning for 'Christian influence in a secular world', and not on food banks.

So while it is true that the NSS runs no care homes or food banks, the religious leaders who condemn us for failing the vulnerable can be accused of the very same. For example, they have never campaigned for equality for the LGBTi community. In fact, they continue to campaign for LGBTi rights to be restricted and for Christians to be able to practise discrimination and prejudice against them through exemptions from the Equality Act. They also campaign to retain the legal right to exclude children and teachers on the grounds of their parents being of the 'wrong' religion or no religion. There is not much charity in evidence here - just the demand that Christian belief be seen to confer a right to discriminate against, segregate and exclude vulnerable groups.

I know of no secular charity that prostitutes its charitable works as justification for retaining special privilege in society - that seems to be the sole prerogative of some religious groups. All over the UK, every day of the year, people of all religious beliefs and none perform selfless works and activities to raise funds for those worse off in some way, or give up their valuable personal time as volunteers to make better the lives of others less fortunate. Yet the only people who consistently brag (sorry, bear witness) about what they do in this regard are church leaders looking to leverage this work in exchange for power and privilege, and to champion their allegedly superior belief system.

The NSS is a fervent supporter of charitable works conducted by organisations both religious and secular. We applaud all organisations that do such work, although we rightly object where receipt of charity is dependent on some form of religious observance. Many secular charities do much good, but we never hear them claiming in the media that their good works confer the right to dictate how the country should be run, to discriminate, or to promote the primacy of their philosophical beliefs.

Of course many secularists donate or support charities run by religious groups, including the many secularists who are also believers. How wonderful it would be if Christian leaders could continue the good work that their churches and congregations do because they are just good people with a human desire to help others, and did so without using it as a bargaining chip for special favour and influence.

Yet in its own way the NSS funds charitable organisations and activity. For example, we may not run schools or provide shelters for battered women, but our annual Secularist of the Year fund has recognised and rewarded charities such as Plan UK which supports the education of girls and young women around the world, an award we made in recognition of the wonderful example of Malala Yousafzai. We also continue to support secular groups such as the Southall Black Sisters, who do such sterling work on behalf of victims of domestic abuse in the UK's black and minority ethnic communities and challenge the religious dogma which contributes to their marginalisation. And we could do so much more of this if only we didn't pay our taxes in full and enjoyed the tax breaks and regular Government handouts the churches receive.

I have yet to see any church leader comment that the £15m handed out in the Chancellor's Autumn Statement for church roof repairs would be better spent directly providing a happier Christmas for many of the homeless. And this, remember, is on top of the £42m Listed Places of Worship Grants Scheme, which provides funding amongst other things for auto-winding turret clocks, pipe organs and bells and bell ropes!

Finally, a word about the topical subject of food banks, to which I and many other secularists donate regularly. Let us not forget that the current Government in Westminster claims to be a Christian Government in a Christian nation, and reminds us regularly that it is proud to 'do God'. This is a Prime Minister for whom the existence of food banks is "part of what I call the Big Society".

In the past we have supported the former Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams who alerted Christians in June 2011 to the dangers of this Government initiative to shrink the state and hand more control of services to volunteer groups and charities. The Archbishop warned that 'Big Society' might be a 'stale slogan' and a euphemism for 'an opportunistic cover for spending cuts.' This much was apparent in an address to the Council of Christians and Jews at a reception in Downing Street in 2012, where David Cameron reaffirmed his Big Society idea in these words: "There's a huge space between government and the individual that can be filled by organisations, faith-based organisations perhaps in particular, that can deliver great public services, that can do great things in terms of tackling some of the problems of our time." Those church leaders who proclaim their role in providing food banks should remember that it is due to the austerity policies of a Westminster Government that 'does God', complete with a Christian evangelical Minister for Faith, that such food banks exist.

In short, there are three principal ways to assist the needy, the vulnerable and the less fortunate. One is as a responsible individual with a regard and respect for our fellow humans, and to do whatever we can as individuals to alleviate the suffering or distress of others. Then there is the registered charity route, be it Muslim, Christian, Jewish or secular in construct, which gives structured help. We applaud the work of all organisations in this regard, secular and religious. The final route is to campaign for human rights and equality over discrimination and prejudice, and for inclusivity of public services rather than exclusion from them. That is also a vital service for the vulnerable and oppressed, and it is funded in our case wholly by members' subscriptions and legacies, and not Government handouts and tax concessions for buying bells and organs.

All three methods of helping the vulnerable are necessary. But none should merit the provider a special privilege in society over any other. It is time Christian leaders practised a little more of the humility they preach alongside the equally valuable work all our organisations perform.

Alistair McBay is a member of the NSS Council. The views in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the NSS.

58 Plymouth Brethren churches given charitable status

News | Mon, 5th Jan 2015

Almost 60 Plymouth Brethren congregations have gained charitable status in the past year providing them with significant tax benefits, reports Third Sector magazine.

The Brethren practise the "Doctrine of Separation", meaning that they "make a commitment to eat and drink only with those with whom we would celebrate the Lord's Supper." The church is known for its strict regulations and teachings, and their website describes "radio and television as 'pipelines of filth'."

A spokesman for the church told Third Sector that additional applications for charitable status are forthcoming.

The road for the Plymouth Brethren Christian Church (PBCC) to receive charitable status was cleared early in 2014, when the Preston Down Trust (PDT), an affiliate of the church, was registered with the Charity Commission in what was seen as a test case.

The Commission initially denied the application in 2009, finding that the church did not meet the "public benefit" required of registered charities. This requirement comes from the Charities Act 2006, which "removed the presumption of public benefit from certain classes of charity including religious charities." This meant that charities, including religious charities, had to demonstrate a public good, and could not simply rely on promoting their faith to gain registration with the Charity Commission.

However, the Trust was eventually given charitable status despite the Charity Commission's own report finding that the church operated 'predominantly' for the benefit of its own members. Newport West MP Paul Flynn called the "climb-down" by the Charity Commission a "cowardly" decision.

Stephen Evans, National Secular Society campaigns manager, said: "it is wrong that the benefits of charitable status – including huge tax breaks – can be applied to an organisation which is, at its core, a religious organisation, and not a charity.

"There appears to be a need to tighten of the definition of what constitutes a 'public benefit' and for existing rules to be enforced to avoid charitable status simply becoming a tax avoidance system for religious groups."

In reaching their decision in the PDT case, the Charity Commission considered a range of activities undertaken by the PDT, which the church argued formed the basis for the "public benefit" of their organisation. One such activity included "open days" where the church distributes food and bibles. Though the Commission notes that "some members of the public have questioned why members of the PBCC do not eat with them and allow access to their meeting halls."

The Doctrine of Separation also raised problems for the PDT's application, with the Commission finding that "there is some evidence that the PBCC are inward facing with a strong focus on their nuclear and extended families (in so far as they are members of the community) and on their local meeting halls and wider PBCC fellowship." The commission added that judgement of whether the "benefits [of the PBCC] are conferred upon the public or a sufficient section of the public" was an "important consideration."

The Charity Commission concluded that "the evidence, on balance, may tend to suggest that PDT operates predominantly rather than exclusively for the benefit of its members" but that was not "necessarily fatal to charitable status."

According to Third Sector, "In announcing the decision, the [Charity Commission] said that the trust had 'demonstrated a willingness to make amends' for harsh disciplinary practices and that it must ensure meeting halls display prominent details about how non-members could attend services."

The surge in Plymouth Brethren congregations holding charitable status follows in the wake of a significant increase in the number of registered religious charities. In December 2014, an NPC report found that there are 9,000 more religious charities in the UK than in 2006, and that "nearly 1 in 5 of all charities in the UK" are faith-based. There are now 32,735 religious charities in the UK.

Recent scandals involving religious organisations with charitable status have included allegations of misuse of funds, theft and mismanagement.

Picture credit: Third Sector

If we exempt ritual slaughter from animal welfare laws we open the door to far worse crimes

Opinion | Mon, 5th Jan 2015

Jewish and Muslim sensibilities about ritual slaughter are given protected status, despite these practices being inhumane. Matthew Syed argues that religious exemptions in this area are a slippery slope into far worse crimes.

I'll be honest: I love meat. I like steak medium rare, lamb pink, and I am not averse to the occasional veal Milanese, particularly when it is served at Brocca, a rather nice Italian restaurant I know. But, like most carnivores in this country, I also believe that animals should be slaughtered humanely. In fact, I think it is imperative.

The law, unsurprisingly, takes the same view. Animal welfare legislation requires animals to be stunned before slaughter in order to minimise suffering. The stunning renders the animals largely impervious to pain before they are killed. There are also other rules and regulations that seek a balance between the rights of the animal and the practicalities of eating meat on a mass scale.

Some campaigners reckon that the law should go further to protect animals; others think that it is already too onerous.

But this is the stuff of democracy, isn't it? People with different opinions trying to reach a conclusion based on something approaching rational deliberation. And for those who disagree with the conclusion, there is always the opportunity to campaign, to proselytise, and, indeed, to stand for parliament if they so wish. That is how you change the law.

But it isn't the only way. When it comes to meat, it turns out that there are exemptions. Jewish and Muslim sensibilities about ritual slaughter are given protected status, despite these practices being inhumane. Kosher meat is taken from animals that are never stunned pre-slaughter. Halal animals are stunned sometimes, but not always. Both types of meat are routinely served in restaurants, without labelling. The exception was granted on grounds of religious freedom.

Now I want to point out here that I don't have any problem with religion. If you think that there is a divine rule that bans you from eating animals slaughtered in the name of anyone but "Allah"'; or animals that weren't killed by men trained for the purpose; or carcasses that haven't been patted on the head by a rabbi, that is your business. Hell, you can eat your food while balancing a copy of the Holy Book on your head if you really want to.

But I do have a problem with the law having get-out clauses. I do have a problem with rules being swerved around. The law is not a pick'n'mix counter. The right to religious freedom is not an absolute right to do what you like, whether killing animals inhumanely, barring gay couples from your B&B, or forcing your daughter into a marriage she doesn't want. Religious customs, like secular ones, must operate within limits.

And when those who make the laws start to grant exemptions, however well intended, it is not just animals that suffer; it is all of us. Just look at how this legislative fear of offending religious sensibilities has shaded into a deeper cultural impotence when it comes to standing up to crimes such as female genital mutilation, "honour" abuses and the more ludicrous aspects of Sharia. Look at how it has caused us to pull our punches on issues such as the burka.

Secular liberalism, we should remember, is not a wishy-washy doctrine. It is a positive, muscular and rather wonderful creed. It is about the principle of "live and let live", but within limits. When people behave in illiberal ways; when they trample on the rights of others (human or animal); when they try to exempt themselves from the law, we should confront them. Indeed, religious freedom itself can only survive in a society when it is protected from the illiberal tendencies of others.

Of course, if religious groups wish to change the law, on animal slaughter or anything else, that is their right. But let them argue for it openly, like anyone else. To be fair, some Jewish and Islamic scholars have argued that ritual slaughter is not inhumane, but they have been powerfully contradicted by the Farm Animal Welfare Council, the EU's scientific panel on animal health and welfare, and the Federation of Veterinarians of Europe.

But this is how it should be. Let us have the give and take of rational debate. Let us decide on the basis of evidence and reason. And let us examine the arguments of religious groups on their merit, and without fear of being labelled antisemitic, anti-Islamic or anti-religious.

Matthew Syed is a columnist and feature writer for The Times. This article first appeared in the Times (£) and is reproduced here with the author's permission. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the NSS.

Who should be the next Secularist of the Year?

News | Wed, 17th Dec 2014

Tickets are now on sale for Secularist of the Year 2015 and the National Secular Society is seeking the public's nominations to receive the prize.

The Prize for Secularist of the Year is awarded annually in recognition of an individual or an organisation considered to have made an outstanding contribution to the secular cause.

This year's prize will be presented on Saturday 28 March at a lunch event in central London.

Previous winners have included the Turkish MP and human rights campaigner Safak Pavey, advice and advocacy organisation Southall Black Sisters, Peter Tatchell and former MP Evan Harris and Lord Avebury.

Nominations for next year's prize can be made via email or via our website to admin@secularism.org.uk. Emails should be titled 'Nomination' and include the name of the individual or organisation you would like to nominate with a brief description of why you think they deserve the award. Nominations close on Friday 23 January.

Tickets for the event are on sale now online at £40 for NSS members (£50 for non-members) which includes a three course lunch with a welcome cocktail on arrival. Tickets can also be purchased by sending a cheque payable to National Secular Society to 25 Red Lion Square, London, WC1R 4RL.

Previous years' events have all sold out, so please don't delay if you want to join us for what promises to be another memorable occasion.

Previous winners of Secularist of the Year:

2014 Safak Pavey, for her international work promoting secularism, Human Rights and gender equality as well as humanitarian aid and peace-building – presented by Kerry McCarthy MP, Shadow Foreign Office Minister.

2013 In honour of young human rights activist Malala Yousafzai, the prize was donated to Plan UK, represented by Debbie Langdon-Davies – presented by Michael Cashman MEP.

2012 Peter Tatchell, for his lifelong commitment to the defence of human rights against religious fundamentalism – presented by Nick Cohen.

2011 Sophie in 't Veld MEP, for her work as chair of the European Parliamentary Platform for Secularism in Politics – presented by A. C. Grayling.

2010 The Southall Black Sisters group, for their support of black and Asian women's human rights, accepted by Pragna Patel – presented by Michael Irwin.

2009 Evan Harris MP and Lord Avebury, joint award for their work in the abolition of blasphemy law – presented by Richard Dawkins.

2007 Mina Ahadi, founder of the German Central Council of Ex-Muslims – presented by Joan Smith.

2006 Prof. Steve Jones, biologist at University College London and author of a number of books on evolution – presented by Dick Taverne.

2005 Maryam Namazie, for her work in defence of women's rights and the right to freedom of expression – presented by Polly Toynbee.